When women lead and power is shared, all SDGs move forward

Women’s leadership strengthens democracy and delivers better outcomes. Women in power are more likely to prioritize gender-responsive policies – and to defend hard-won rights and hold institutions accountable to the people they serve. Local women leaders, particularly when connected to women-led organizations and movements, are more inclined to remain accountable to women's priorities and deliver tangible change in their communities. Overall, women’s equal representation and participation signals a strong, well-functioning democracy. A country cannot claim to uphold human rights and be considered democratic if half of its population is denied an equal voice in decision-making and leadership.

Yet, worryingly, progress on women’s leadership is now slowing and even reversing in many countries. This is part of a wider retreat from human rights and inclusive participation in public spaces. Across regions, institutions that focus on gender equality are being dismantled, funding for gender equality is on a steep decline, and civic space is shrinking. Violence against women in political and public life is escalating, and new barriers, such as technology-facilitated violence, are intensifying. Political and legal gains that underpinned decades of gender equality advances are being contested. In such an environment, women's equal and meaningful participation is both an equity objective and a democratic safeguard. Countries with greater gender equality and higher levels of women's civic and political participation tend to be more democratic and representative. Evidence shows that when and where women are able to mobilize, they may help arrest democratic decline.

This section presents the latest evidence on women's participation and leadership in positions of power and decision-making in political, judicial, administrative, government and corporate bodies as well as community-based organizations and movements. It makes the case for stronger investments in national gender equality mechanisms, for addressing violence against women in political and public life, and for enabling inclusive leadership and decision-making.

The rest of the report assesses gender equality under each of the 17 SDGs, spotlighting how women’s leadership across all the Goals is accelerating change and pointing to remaining gaps. In a world of declining progress on leadership, further backsliding is not acceptable. Human rights for all will be achieved only when women have equal roles in decision-making, from communities to the global stage.

Women’s equal participation in political leadership and decision-making is a human right. It is also a powerful symbol of women’s role in society, one that can shift discriminatory social norms. It is a critical foundation for inclusive policies that drive outcomes which benefit everyone. Yet women’s share of political leadership positions remains far from parity, and progress has lost momentum. The number of countries with a woman Head of State or Government slowly increased from 20 in 2020 to 28 as of 1 January 2026. Yet six in seven countries are still led by men. Women’s representation in national cabinets declined to 22.4 per cent in 2026, after peaking at 23.3 per cent in 2024. The decline is a warning sign that gains cannot be taken for granted and that progress towards equal political power remains fragile.

Women are also losing ground in parliamentary leadership. Shares in lower and single chambers of national parliaments have edged up to only 27.4 per cent in 2026 as progress has slowed, with merely a 0.2 percentage point gain in one year. From 2020 to 2026, women’s share in parliaments declined in 54 countries (including by more than 3 percentage points in 23 countries). Based on progress over the last decade, gender parity in parliaments will not be reached until 2064. At the slower pace of the last five years, it slips to 2089.  As of January 2026, 54 women served as parliamentary speakers globally, representing 19.9 per cent of the total. This was a nearly a 4 percentage-point decline from the previous year and the first drop in 21 years. Institutional biases persisted in the assignment of women to standing parliamentary committees. Women chaired over two thirds (68.5 per cent) of parliamentary committees on gender equality and nearly a half of youth committees (46.6 per cent), but fewer than one in five committees on defence (18.4 per cent) and finances (17.2 per cent).

Women’s representation in local government remains higher than in national parliaments, at 35.6 per cent in 2025. But progress has nearly stalled, rising by just 0.1 percentage point annually. From 2020 to 2025, women’s share of local government seats declined in 27 countries (including by more than 3 percentage points in 11 countries). At this rate, achieving parity will require three more decades.

Temporary special measures, including quotas, accelerate  progress towards parity, as called for in General Recommendation 40 by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. As of 1 January 2026, 93 countries had legislated electoral quotas for women for single or lower houses of parliament and 83 countries for local governments. The data shows that well-designed, ambitious quotas work: women’s representation is 16 percentage points greater in parliaments and 17 points higher in local governments in countries with such quotas compared to countries without them.

Violence against women in politics remains pervasive and continues to deter women from running for office and remaining in public life, as confirmed by UN Women data across 13 countries. During electoral campaigns, 8 in 10 women candidates for parliament and 6 in 10 candidates for local government experience psychological, sexual, economic and physical violence. Violence is prevalent particularly against women who defy traditional gender roles and seek positions of high power and visibility. Perpetrators are often men in positions of power such as leaders of political parties, heads of public institutions, intimate partners or opposition supporters. Additionally, members of parliament experience very high levels of intimidation and violence perpetrated by the general public, especially online, and women are more likely to be targeted (76 per cent compared to 68 per cent of men).

The rules of engagement in political affairs do not account for unequal access to resources between male and female candidates. The cost of running for office, which in some cases can exceed 100 times the national average per capita income, excludes women and those from poorer backgrounds alike. Discriminatory social norms reinforce men’s dominance in political leadership. Worryingly, decades of positive trends towards viewing women as equally qualified political leaders seem to be reversing among younger generations of men.

Political power is still shaped by systems that advantage men and make it harder for women to compete on equal terms.  Removing structural barriers to participation requires legislative and policy changes that level the field for candidates and prevent violence against women in politics, including strengthened quotas for women, gender-responsive measures on campaign finances, and effective institutional rules and codes of conduct to prevent violence and  discrimination in allocating resources and leadership roles in political institutions.

Courts uphold rights, resolve disputes and safeguard the rule of law and democracy – so who sits on the bench matters. A judiciary that reflects the diversity of society, including through women’s leadership, is better positioned to practice equal treatment before the law and deliver justice attuned to the realities of people's lives. Women comprise the majority of judges (51.2 per cent) and registrars (57.5 per cent). They remain underrepresented, however, in positions that define jurisprudence, set institutional priorities and exercise the highest levels of judicial decision-making. Women comprise only 29.0 per cent of prosecutors, a role central to how justice is administered, including in cases of gender-based violence and discrimination where women prosecutors influence both what charges are brought and how justice is pursued. Fewer than one in five chief justices is a woman (19.6 per cent). And in 2025, women accounted for only 29.6 per cent of arbitrators appointed or confirmed by the International Chamber of Commerce.

In public administration, gender equality is essential for representative, effective and trusted institutions. It improves service delivery, citizen engagement and confidence in government. As among the largest formal employers in many countries, public administrations could transform labour markets by setting benchmarks for gender equal workplaces and inclusive institutional cultures. Yet data from 2020 to 2025 reveal that women were underrepresented in public service positions relative to their share of the national population in 62.1 per cent of countries and areas with data (82 out of 132). Underrepresentation is concentrated at the top of public institututions, where gender disparities in senior management persist in 71.1 per cent of countries compared to just 13.8 per cent at lower administrative levels.

Achieving parity at the very top of the justice system and public administration requires sustained political will and efforts to dismantle structural barriers to leadership, as called for in the agreed conclusions of the seventieth session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women. Transparent, merit-based selection and promotion processes, with clear criteria and consistent application, are foundational. So are institutional arrangements that recognize the realities of balancing work and family life, and that provide structured mentorship and leadership paths. In public administration, targeted recruitment and promotion strategies can close gaps, particularly when applied to newly created or expanding positions. Temporary special measures, including quotas, gender-responsive hiring and promotion practices, and institutional accountability mechanisms are most effective when implemented consistently and embedded within broader administrative systems.

The Beijing Platform for Action, the world’s most comprehensive normative agreement on gender equality and women’s rights, recognized national gender equality machineries as catalysts for gender equality and the systematic mainstreaming of a gender perspective across all legislation, policies and programmes. Without effective institutions to drive and coordinate this work, gender equality commitments remain promises; with them, commitments are more likely to become policies, budgets and concrete results.

National gender equality mechanisms vary significantly in form, mandate, focus and can range from ministries of women and/or gender equality to small units embedded in social affairs portfolios. Many lack the capacity, political support or rights-based mandates to fulfill their role. Yet where they have been well resourced and connected to autonomous women's movements, evidence shows they deliver. National mechanisms have helped advance the implementation of women’s rights across areas including violence against women, economic empowerment and property rights. Research spanning 70 countries over four decades finds a statistically significant positive correlation between the presence of a national gender equality mechanism and higher levels of democracy.

At a time when strong institutions are needed most, they are being weakened instead, and in some contexts entirely dismantled.  In a 2026 survey of national gender equality mechanisms, 1 in 3 (32 per cent) reported an erosion in institutional power over the past two years. The result is an institutional architecture that exists on paper but has diminishing power in practice.

At a time of growing backlash, governments must strengthen, not sideline, national gender equality machineries by providing the resources, authority and rights-based mandates required to deliver results.

Women’s leadership in businesses can broaden perspectives in corporate decision-making and draw greater attention to gender equality, inclusion and responsible practices. The business case is equally compelling: gender-equal leadership improves decision-making, helps firms attract talent and outperform financially, and drives more inclusive products and services. While women account for around 40 per cent of employees of firms worldwide, their representation in corporate leadership lags significantly. 

Data from March 2024, covering nearly 88,000 active directors on more than 9,600 boards of publicly traded companies, across 62 countries and areas, show that women hold only 5.8 per cent of chief executive officer (CEO) positions globally. They occupy just a quarter of corporate board seats (25.1 per cent). The total realized pay of women board members is, on average, 67.6 per cent lower than what men earn. These findings underscore the persistence of a “stacked glass ceiling”, where women remain excluded from the most powerful executive roles even after entry into leadership. Lower qualifications do not explain the barriers. Women board members are more likely than men to hold advanced degrees (40.5 per cent compared to 33.5 per cent). Yet they are less likely to have previously served as CEOs (29.1 per cent vs. to 41.5 per cent).

Corporate decision-making power often concentrates in a few leadership positions, so women’s presence on boards does not necessarily translate into steering company priorities, strategy and governance. Male board members disproportionately hold greater institutional capital (prior roles in large companies in the sector, established internal networks and accumulated standing). These structural advantages shape whose voice carries weight in boardroom decisions, regardless of formal representation. When representation and decision-making power diverge, a gender power gap emerges. Women board members have less decision-making power than their representation in 71.8 per cent of publicly traded companies globally. The gender power gap becomes even more pronounced as company size increases. While 70.0 per cent of relatively smaller companies exhibit a negative gender power gap, this rises to 82.8 per cent among bigger companies, suggesting that women face the greatest barriers in the largest, most powerful firms. Advancing gender-responsive corporate governance reforms is essential for women shape decisions that influence societies and economies and for businesses to realize the returns of gender-equal leadership.

Women’s collective activism and leadership have been among the most powerful forces for advancing gender equality and social change. Women mobilize communities, advocate for rights, shape public policy and hold institutions accountable. Their leadership is often informal and unpaid, yet foundational to social cohesion, accountability and crisis resilience. Through community engagement, women gain skills and the trust of constituencies, which may serve as a springboard for more formal positions of power. Activism also creates pathways for women of all ages to shape public life, advance rights and hold institutions accountable.

When women's community leadership coalesces into organized feminist movements, its impact multiplies and can become a powerful driver of progress on women’s rights. Global evidence from 126 countries over 1975–2015, brought together in the Feminist Mobilization Index (FMI), shows how feminist movements have expanded across countries. They have increasingly emerged as an important force for advancing women’s human rights and gender equality, including through policies addressing violence against women, women’s economic and property rights, workplace protections and social policy. Recent trends reflect the consolidation and increasing independence of women’s feminist movements in some contexts. For instance, the 2025 update of the FMI for Latin America and the Caribbean reveals that over the past decade, movements in the region grew markedly, matching the scale of gains seen only during the United Nations Decade for Women (1976–1985). While that earlier wave marked the emergence of movements in new countries, recent gains reflect their growing strength and autonomy. The fact that advances continue amid mounting anti-gender backlash and democratic backsliding speaks to the resilient endurance of feminist activism.

Worryingly, global evidence shows shrinking civic space and funding cuts are a major concern for women’s organizations. Women’s rights organizations, which have historically received less than 1 per cent of official development assistance (ODA) for gender equality, are coming to a existential breaking point. Funding for them declined 28 per cent from 2023 to 2024, with further reductions anticipated. The worst-affected women’s organizations are in humanitarian settings, where they are often the first responders and last remaining presence when crises deepen. Defunding them is not only a gender equality failure; it directly contradicts localization commitments made by international donors. It leaves the most vulnerable women and girls without the support they need, when they need it most.